In the 1930s, New York City鈥檚 Harlem neighbourhood found itself at the center of many political, cultural, and economic issues. During this post-war period known as the Depression-era, over three hundred thousand African Americans from the south known as 鈥渢he Great Migration鈥� flooded Harlem searching for employment. This sizeable demographic movement, among other social factors, led to Harlem becoming the largest African American community in the United States.1听Additionally, a nationwide alcohol ban known as Prohibition catalyzed an organized mafia crime scene and countless clubs throughout Harlem. The resulting energetic and relentless nightlife was, according to many, the source of the neighbourhood鈥檚 artistic creativity and collaboration.2
This explosion in diverse, Black creative works, known collectively as the Harlem Renaissance, is a problematic cultural movement to navigate. Although praised for its success in popularizing a new, national Black identity, the 鈥淣ew Negro鈥� was often tailored for the whites of wealthier areas.3 For this reason, the Harlem Renaissance is often criticized as a movement that, although 鈥渟uccessful,鈥� failed to ease many of the underlying racial tensions. If anything, it reinforced the idea of the Black artist subordinate to the wealthier white man.
Between 140th and 141st street in Harlem, a typical brick building would oppose these pervasive stereotypes and impact the African American cultural identity for generations to come. More specifically, the Savoy ballroom housed on its upper floor would give off a more prestigious Black persona, one that rejects the stereotypical exoticism constructed by whites-only cabarets. Ahead of its time, the Ballroom is a unique success story that provided Blacks with an environment in which they could freely connect and thrive. Besides Small鈥檚 paradise, a little basement nightclub, the Savoy was the first major racially integrated venue in America. In retrospect, it was part of America鈥檚 earliest placemaking听efforts for minorities, unifying a neighbourhood that struggled with financial stability and collective identity.4 For the Black locals who regularly visited, the ballroom was not only a temporary escape from work but from the restrictions of a suffocating set of explicit and inexplicit racist policies. Above all, the Savoy Ballroom鈥檚 design improved African American artists鈥� integrity and professionalism by enabling a raw portrayal of Black culture undeterred by a white social agenda. When engaging in race and architecture, the academic field often aims to reveal hidden, subtle, and negative sociopolitical biases detrimental to minority groups rooted within it. In this speculative essay, the goal is the opposite. The ballroom鈥檚 ability to daringly ignore the temptation of a white money-driven business model was unprecedented for a venue of its scale.听 It drew a diverse crowd and granted its performers autonomy and expressive freedom, all of which link back to the unique layout. Using an investigative approach, the chosen image (see fig. 1) of the ballroom plan, among others, will guide and correlate the Savoy鈥檚 underlying sociopolitical intentions with its architectural attributes.
The Savoy鈥檚 interior layout contributed to its overall success in several ways. The large size ensured it could rival the status of other significant venues such as downtown鈥檚 Roseland ballroom. Additionally, the two may have been similar in size, but only the Savoy welcomed guests of any race, status, or age. The large size was also a pragmatic solution. With the increasingly popular subgenre of swing jazz and its 鈥渂ig bands,鈥� players needed more space on stage. Due to the Great Depression, musicians were willing to be paid less; therefore, a bandleader could hire more people at the same cost. Thus 鈥渂ig bands鈥� came to be the most entertaining and cost-effective band structure. To fully understand the scale, the Savoy usually allowed anywhere from four thousand to five thousand guests on its five public nights.5 In comparison, the competing nearby clubs (see fig. 2) never exceeded fifteen hundred occupants. The sheer number of people regularly attending, of whom eighty percent were Black, thus supplied a hefty and steady income. This income would help fund the renovations of the iconic, prestigious interior and maintain low prices for the Black working-class.
The luxurious d茅cor, frequently updated to reflect the times, directly indicated that the longstanding manager Charles Buchanan6 held an unwavering vision for Black people鈥檚 dignity and identity in light of the Harlem Renaissance. Everything was professionally and politely executed, never hinting at 鈥淸鈥 African jungle motifs, southern stereotypology, [or] lurid eroticism鈥�7 that far too many whites-only venues employed. These other segregated cabarets, such as the famous Cotton Club, caricatured, objectified, and commoditized the Black performer (see fig. 3, fig. 4).
The Savoy鈥檚 interior had two mirrored flights of marble stairs, various chandeliers, a fountain, decorated columns, and copper-clad bandstands听(see fig. 5).8 At its peak, the ballroom screamed the clean, high-quality aesthetics of Art Deco. 听The materials and design were, from various accounts, 鈥渕uch bigger, more glamour[ous], [and of] real class鈥�9 compared to previous night clubs. In fact, the venue鈥檚 name was inspired by the classy Savoy Hotel in London. Importantly, even though the d茅cor expressed wealth, the cover charge was always cheap, averaging about fifty cents during the depression era. The manager Charles Buchanan always played a crucial role in aligning the Savoy鈥檚 goals with those of the locals.听 It was not only 鈥淭he World鈥檚 Finest ballroom,鈥� it was the world鈥檚 finest ballroom for all.
In the plan, the dancing floor and the two bandstands were the most prized possessions at the Savoy and arguably the most symbolic. 鈥淭he Track,鈥� as it was called, was a spring-loaded, wooden dancefloor among the largest in town, with a total area of over ten thousand square feet. The floor was maintained religiously. No smokers were allowed near, and night cleaners would polish it every night. The boards were even swapped every three years.10 听鈥淭he Track鈥� was particular because it allowed the popular swing jazz to be fully expressed through various dance styles, namely the Savoy鈥檚 signature 鈥淟indy hop.鈥� Characterized by its energetic, often aerial moves, the Lindy Hop no doubt developed to take advantage of the large, unobstructed floor. Unlike other Harlem clubs, whose dancers were on stage with the band, this dance floor was flush with the surrounding carpet, covering the entire area surrounding the bandstands (see fig. 6, fig. 7).
Other than at the 鈥渟howtime,鈥� when professionals showed off their new Lindy hop skills, dancers of any skill level could quickly join. The layout naturally encouraged participation on the dance floor (see fig. 8). 听Judging from the photos, one would have a hard time avoiding a dance. The Black female dancers were not overly sexualized either, unlike at the Cotton Club. Instead, the dancers often blended in with the crowd. This is partly because the dancing did not have to be a significant source of income. The seamless floor design also encouraged people to sit and gather informally around the dancers in an impromptu semi-circle (see fig. 8), echoing the Savoy鈥檚 communal spirit. In contrast, Small鈥檚 Paradise, another racially integrated club, could only host dances in its small basement if it moved its furniture aside. In the same vein, Buchanan had explained that he wanted 鈥渁n atmosphere of tasteful refinement鈥� instead of 鈥渢he small, [鈥 stuffy, [鈥 foul-smelling, cellar nightclubs.鈥�11
The bandstands held an equally important and complementary role to the dancefloor. Unlike its competitors, the dual bandstands lacked curtains, so they could always be viewed from three sides. The stands, although elevated, continued the same seamless, intimate spatial quality as the ballroom floor. Not having curtains or partitions on its sides signalled a degree of transparency in how things were run. It also gives the adjacent dancing audience a closer, intimate view of them. Ultimately, the lack of curtains instilled a level of trust and further reduced the artificial barrier between audience and performer. The only significant closed-off rooms were the washrooms, as shown in the plan (see fig. 1). In general, the open view of the room, from one end to the other, added to the informal atmosphere and took the pressure off the performers.
The location of the bars and the boxes are relevant as well. Placed far from the stair entrance, the bars were far from the action and featured no waiters.12 It, therefore, minimized excessive drinking and distanced behaviour. There was even a drink limit to discourage people from attending simply for the drinks. Buchanan summarizes the ballroom鈥檚 agenda perfectly, claiming that 鈥淸the staff] are not partial to white people who come to gawk [鈥 besides [the staff] is not geared to make money out of them. They can鈥檛 spend more than the admission fee and a couple drinks.鈥�13 This limit, combined with the various bouncers, ensured a safe and happy environment. The semi-circular layout of the boxes flanking the dancefloor, where many lounged, allowed people to join the crowd spontaneously (see fig. 6, fig. 7). Other venues did not create this enticing interactivity. If someone did want a break to socialize in a quieter setting, the Savoy offered that too. The tables and lounge chairs were placed further away, beyond the boxes. 听Many were even caught dozing off peacefully on camera. The bars鈥� arrangement, the boxes, and the tables stimulated positive interactions, especially for the uptight white guests. In a written anecdote by Calvin Rosten, Buchanan fittingly explains that 鈥淎s long as they [those drinking and socializing] behave, we ignore them. That is our policy.鈥�14
By investigating the Savoy ballroom鈥檚 various relevant architectural features, guided by its well documented reputation as a Black community center, a new racial narrative emerges. Hopefully, such analyses will challenge architects to study race and architecture not only as a bitter past, but also as one that contains positive examples that can help build a better future.
Unfortunately, 鈥淭he World鈥檚 Finest ballroom,鈥� as it was advertised, is now nothing more than a set of memories and documents. At the site, which now houses much-needed social housing and a community park (see fig. 9), a plaque was finally erected in the Savoy鈥檚 honour. Demolished in 1958, with Harlem鈥檚 economic and cultural decline, the Savoy not only still holds an artistic presence but an experiential presence that lives on in the Black people. Hopefully, the magical synergy of the architectural qualities, the performers, and the diverse, unrestricted audience can be replicated in placemaking efforts today. It鈥檚 hard to conclude whether the Savoy鈥檚 interior was successful through association with the activities housed within or if the interior was the reason for the building鈥檚 legendary reputation. The answer likely lies somewhere in between these extremes. Regardless, the Savoy ballroom forever changed African American identity and culture by pioneering a safe, humanizing environment where music and dance were presented free of racial exoticism.
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Clay Moon wrote this essay for ARCH 355 in Winter 2021 while an undergraduate student at the Peter Guo-hua Fu School of Architecture at 成人VR视频.
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1听Gerald Meyer, "Black Harlem in the Great Depression: A Review Essay,"听New York History听74, no. 1 (1993): 97-104. Accessed March 27, 2021. .
2听Greg Miller, "During Prohibition, Harlem Night Clubs Kept the Party Going," Culture, (February 10, 2021). Accessed March 28, 2021. )
3听Cary D. Wintz, "Harlem Renaissance," In听Encyclopedia of African American History 1896 to the Present: (Oxford University Press, 2009).
4听Annette Koh, "Placemaking When Black Lives Matter," Project For Public Spaces. Accessed March 25, 2021. .
5听Barbara Engelbrecht, "Swinging at the Savoy,"听Dance Research Journal,听15 no. 2 (1983): 3-10, 5. Accessed March 29, 2021. doi:10.2307/1478672.
6听L. Calvin Rosten, The strangest places (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1939), 185.
7听Maureen Maryanski, "The Aristocrat of Harlem: The Cotton Club," New-York Historical Society, (February 18, 2016), 1.
8听"Redecorated Savoy to Open Thursday,"听The New York Age听(New York: November 15, 1930), 1.
9听Marshall Stearns and Jean Stearns, Jazz Dance: The Story of American Vernacular Dance (New York: Schirmer Books, 1979), 321. Accessed March 27, 2021. )
10听Engelbrecht, "Swinging at the Savoy,"听5.
11听Ibid, 3.
12听The Savoy Ballroom Reservation Guide (undated),
13听Engelbrecht, "Swinging at the Savoy,"听6.
14听Rosten, The strangest places, 187.
